Men’s perceptions of gender roles and the status of childcare as ‘women’s work’

Men’s perceptions of gender roles and the status of childcare as ‘women’s work’ The perception of childcare as ‘women’s work’ is seen as a major deterrent to men. Research refers to the conceptual link between childcare and ‘mothering’, whereby childcare is seen as an extension of women’s traditional role and is undervalued (Penn and McQuail, 1997). As researchers at the TCRU point out, the fact that childcare work is equated with mothering, and has low pay and status, makes it difficult for many workers to see it as a career (see Cameron et al., 1999). Some childcare and early years job titles are also seen as barriers to men’s participation in the sector. ‘Nursery nurse’ and ‘nanny’ are the most strongly ‘gendered’ job titles (see Thurtle and Jennings, 1998). The status of childcare as women’s work may be a particularly strong deterrent to young people who are considering their career options. Lloyd comments that young men are both more likely than women to express firm opinions about ‘men’s work’ and ‘women’s work’, and have most to lose from current changes in demand for skills (see Lloyd, 1999). Research commissioned by Careers Scotland found that boys are significantly more likely to stereotype occupations than girls (see Employment Research Institute, 2004). This is reinforced by recent research for the EOC which found that 80 per cent of girls might be willing to learn to do a non-traditional job, and 55 per cent of boys (see Fuller, 2005). The Careers Scotland research, which included a survey of 2148 pupils aged 13 to 15 and interviews with 82, found that significantly fewer boys than girls felt they were suited to jobs in traditionally female occupations such as care assistant, nurse and teacher. There is also some evidence that the occupational aspirations of young people from less privileged or working class backgrounds are more stereotyped than their middle class counterparts (see Hesketh et al., 1990). This has implications for sectors such as childcare which recruit predominantly from these social groups. Issues of status and sexuality may be especially important to young men when considering their career options, because they relate directly to personal identity.

Within this, ‘masculinity’ may be a particularly important factor. Therefore, it is possible that employment which challenges self-identity may be unattractive, although other features of the work may be appealing. Simpson argues that ideologies and discourses of gender play a part in promoting and perpetuating the sexual division of labour and notions of ‘men’s work’ and ‘women’s work’. Quoting earlier work by Morgan (1992) she states that ‘. . . notions of work are central to masculine identities and organisations exist as major sites for the construction and reconstruction of ‘what it means to be a man” (Simpson, 2004, p. 351). Moreover, she suggests it may be easier for women to enter male jobs, and to adopt ‘compromised femininity’ than for a man to choose ‘women’s work’. The status of childcare as women’s work may help to explain why men are a higher proportion of those working in after-school care, where the work may be seen as having a stronger emphasis on play and education than on childcare. There is evidence that men are recruited to such work with experience in youth and community work (see Scott et al., 2000). Further factors are likely to include the opportunity to combine afterschool care with other part-time jobs in childcare and youth work, the higher average rates of pay in public sector play work, compared to employment in the private childcare sector and the ‘steam-roller’ effect, where men are attracted to settings where other men are working (see Meleady, 1998). Although the small number of studies which include the perspective of male childcare workers generally report very positive experiences of working in the sector (see above), they also reveal negative experiences. Many of these stem from the attitudes of others that childcare is not a man’s job. Family and friends are reported to be often unsupportive towards men who choose to work with children (see Thurtle and Jennings, 1998, p. 632). Owen and colleagues found that, while female childcare workers were supported by family and friends, men experienced a mixed reaction, often of surprise (see Owen, 2003a, p. 105). Men also reported teasing from friends who suggested that they merely sit around all day. Although female childcare staff report such attitudes of others towards their work (see Rolfe et al., 2003), male childcare workers may be more sensitive to suggestions that they do not have a ‘proper job’ because their employment choice is more unusual for a man.

Although such problems, and the feelings of isolation they engender, seem to diminish over time (Owen, 2003a), this may be because only the more committed or thicker-skinned workers stay. As stated above, levels of turnover among men are not known. The issue of sexual abuse is undoubtedly a major issue deterring men from seeking employment in childcare and early years. Men working with children report being questioned on their motives, and suspected of having perverse sexual intentions (Penn and McQuail, 1997; Rolfe et al., 2003). In research by NIESR for the DfES on recruitment of childcare and early years workers, a young male nursery assistant explained how his school friends, his parents and their friends had almost discouraged him from becoming a childcare worker, by suggesting that childcare was not a job for a ‘normal’ man. He also described people’s reactions on hearing he works with children: ‘Older people (adults) look at you a bit funny, like you are a bit dodgy, a paedophile or something. It’s more looks than what they say although they sometimes say to me “isn’t that a bit weird?” I just walk away and swear under my breath.’ (Rolfe et al., 2003, p. 51). There are also reports of men being treated differently while on training courses. This includes being asked to provide the ‘alternative’ male viewpoint, which could draw unwelcome attention, or being questioned on their motives for working with children (see Thurtle and Jennings, 1998, p. 637; Meleady, 1998, p. 229). Being in a minority can be an uncomfortable experience, and evidence suggests that this may be a key factor discouraging men from working in childcare and early years. The importance of a ‘critical mass’ in encouraging others may help to explain the greater proportion of men in out-of-school provision and also why settings such as the Sheffield Children’s Centre have found it easier to recruit men once some were in post.