27 Temmuz 2015 Pazartesi

Honour and men's unemployment

"The concept of masculinity is becoming more elusive in society as gender roles blur, with more women taking management positions and becoming the major breadwinners for their families," said lead researcher Ekaterina Netchaeva, an assistant professor of management and technology at Bocconi University in Milan, Italy. "Even men who support gender equality may see these advances as a threat to their masculinity, whether they consciously acknowledge it or not."

http://www.spsp.org/press_release/men-may-feel-more-threatened-by-female-bosses

http://www.milliyet.com.tr/erkegin-korkusu-es-parasi-/gundem/gundemdetay/23.12.2012/1645532/default.htm

Seeking
external help poses a direct risk to public image, and even
seeking help from family might be avoided if one’s identity
as a “real man” or “good woman” could be questioned. For
example, a man who has just lost his job might be reluctant
to disclose this to his family out of fear that they will see him
as an incompetent provider.

Violence against the self makalesinde. Eger ilgilenirse beryl onunla da birsey yapabilirsin ortak. O buraya doktoraya gelmeyi cok istedi, ama funding olmadigi icin odtu’de kaldi. 




"In an ideal world, men and organizations would be concerned by these findings and adjust their behavior accordingly. But if they don't, where does that leave women?" she said. "Given the strong societal norms surrounding masculinity, it may be difficult for men to recognize or change their behavior."
 
If men won't change their actions, then female supervisors may want to appear more proactive and less power-seeking to maintain smooth relationships in the workplace, Netchaeva said.

Hep ayni yeterince aciklayici olmayan gorus, societal norms surrounding masculinity yuzunden erkekler daha cok threatenned oluyolar eger kadinlar onlardan basariliysa (daha cok kazaniyorsa, daha yuksek pozisyondaysa) diye diyorlar. Veya bu bulgular cogunlukla power relationships uzerinden calisiliyor, iste erkekler status quo'larini korumak istedikleri icin falan. Kimse, bazi evolved mekanizmalardan konusmuyor. Societal norm'lar degisti, artik cogu erkek de kadin da bu equality discourse'undan haberdar ve political correctness norm'lariyla yasiyoruz zaten. Ama despite feminism which led to a fast cultural revolution of the female identity, evolved identity cannot change as fast. Throughout the history (thousands of years), menability to provide resources, protection of the women, family, clan from threats, rape, war, etc.)

20 Temmuz 2015 Pazartesi

AWS-short 12-item Turkish translation

Spence & Helmreich, 1978

1. The intellectual leadership of a community should be largely in the hands of men.
2. There are many jobs in which men should be given preference over women in being hired or promoted.
3. A woman should not expect to go to exactly the same places or to have quite the same freedom of action as a man.
4. It is ridiculous for a woman to run a locomotive and for a man to darn socks.
5. In general, the father should have greater authority than the mother in the bringing up of the children.
6. * Women should assume their rightful place in business and all the professions along with men.
7. Women should worry less about their rights and more about becoming good wives and mothers.
8. * Under modern economic conditions with women being active outside the home, men should share in household tasks such as washing dishes and doing laundry.
9. Sons in a family should be given more encouragement to go to college than daughters
10. * Women should be given equal opportunity with men for apprenticeship in the various trades.
11. * Women earning as much as their dates should bear equally the expense when they go out together.
12. * A woman should be free as a man to propose marriage.

Gender role beliefs (Kerr and Holden, 1966)

Gender role beliefs were assessed using the Gender Role Beliefs Scale (GRBS; Kerr and Holden 1996). The scale contains 20 items (e.g., “The initiative in courtship should usually come from the man”) about traditional gender role expectations (1=strongly disagree, 7=strongly agree). Higher scores indicate more traditional attitudes. The scale had acceptable reliability for both the Chilean (α=.88) and American (α=.89) samples.


Brown, M. J., & Gladstone, N. (2012). Development of a Short Version of the Gender Role Beliefs Scale. International Journal of Psychology and Behavioral Sciences2(5), 154-158.

http://www.oalib.com/paper/1363746#.VazuzPmqqko


10-items GRBS

5. The husband should be regarded as the legal representative of the family group in all matters of law. (11) .859 - .801 - .825 - 9. Women should be concerned with their duties of childbearing and housetending, rather than with the desires for professional and business careers. (18) .606 - .806 - .729 - 8. It is ridiculous for a woman to run a train and a man to sew clothes. (16) .503 - .778 - .667 - 3. Women should have as much sexual freedom as men. (7)R .462 - .588 - .564 4. Women with children should not work outside the home if they don’t have to financially. (9) .434 - .539 - .527 - 1. It is disrespectful to swear in the presence of a lady. (1) - .441 - .778 - .650 10. Swearing and obscenity is more repulsive in the speech of a woman than a man. (19) - .514 - .634 - .626 6. Except perhaps in very special circumstances, a man should never allow a woman to pay the taxi, buy the tickets, or pay the check. (13) - .674 - .687 - .611 2. The initiative in courtship should usually come from the man. (4) - .685 - .550 - .591 7. Men should continue to show courtesies to women such as holding open the door or helping them on with their coats. (15)

8 Temmuz 2015 Çarşamba

Men’s perceptions of gender roles and the status of childcare as ‘women’s work’

Men’s perceptions of gender roles and the status of childcare as ‘women’s work’ The perception of childcare as ‘women’s work’ is seen as a major deterrent to men. Research refers to the conceptual link between childcare and ‘mothering’, whereby childcare is seen as an extension of women’s traditional role and is undervalued (Penn and McQuail, 1997). As researchers at the TCRU point out, the fact that childcare work is equated with mothering, and has low pay and status, makes it difficult for many workers to see it as a career (see Cameron et al., 1999). Some childcare and early years job titles are also seen as barriers to men’s participation in the sector. ‘Nursery nurse’ and ‘nanny’ are the most strongly ‘gendered’ job titles (see Thurtle and Jennings, 1998). The status of childcare as women’s work may be a particularly strong deterrent to young people who are considering their career options. Lloyd comments that young men are both more likely than women to express firm opinions about ‘men’s work’ and ‘women’s work’, and have most to lose from current changes in demand for skills (see Lloyd, 1999). Research commissioned by Careers Scotland found that boys are significantly more likely to stereotype occupations than girls (see Employment Research Institute, 2004). This is reinforced by recent research for the EOC which found that 80 per cent of girls might be willing to learn to do a non-traditional job, and 55 per cent of boys (see Fuller, 2005). The Careers Scotland research, which included a survey of 2148 pupils aged 13 to 15 and interviews with 82, found that significantly fewer boys than girls felt they were suited to jobs in traditionally female occupations such as care assistant, nurse and teacher. There is also some evidence that the occupational aspirations of young people from less privileged or working class backgrounds are more stereotyped than their middle class counterparts (see Hesketh et al., 1990). This has implications for sectors such as childcare which recruit predominantly from these social groups. Issues of status and sexuality may be especially important to young men when considering their career options, because they relate directly to personal identity.

Within this, ‘masculinity’ may be a particularly important factor. Therefore, it is possible that employment which challenges self-identity may be unattractive, although other features of the work may be appealing. Simpson argues that ideologies and discourses of gender play a part in promoting and perpetuating the sexual division of labour and notions of ‘men’s work’ and ‘women’s work’. Quoting earlier work by Morgan (1992) she states that ‘. . . notions of work are central to masculine identities and organisations exist as major sites for the construction and reconstruction of ‘what it means to be a man” (Simpson, 2004, p. 351). Moreover, she suggests it may be easier for women to enter male jobs, and to adopt ‘compromised femininity’ than for a man to choose ‘women’s work’. The status of childcare as women’s work may help to explain why men are a higher proportion of those working in after-school care, where the work may be seen as having a stronger emphasis on play and education than on childcare. There is evidence that men are recruited to such work with experience in youth and community work (see Scott et al., 2000). Further factors are likely to include the opportunity to combine afterschool care with other part-time jobs in childcare and youth work, the higher average rates of pay in public sector play work, compared to employment in the private childcare sector and the ‘steam-roller’ effect, where men are attracted to settings where other men are working (see Meleady, 1998). Although the small number of studies which include the perspective of male childcare workers generally report very positive experiences of working in the sector (see above), they also reveal negative experiences. Many of these stem from the attitudes of others that childcare is not a man’s job. Family and friends are reported to be often unsupportive towards men who choose to work with children (see Thurtle and Jennings, 1998, p. 632). Owen and colleagues found that, while female childcare workers were supported by family and friends, men experienced a mixed reaction, often of surprise (see Owen, 2003a, p. 105). Men also reported teasing from friends who suggested that they merely sit around all day. Although female childcare staff report such attitudes of others towards their work (see Rolfe et al., 2003), male childcare workers may be more sensitive to suggestions that they do not have a ‘proper job’ because their employment choice is more unusual for a man.

Although such problems, and the feelings of isolation they engender, seem to diminish over time (Owen, 2003a), this may be because only the more committed or thicker-skinned workers stay. As stated above, levels of turnover among men are not known. The issue of sexual abuse is undoubtedly a major issue deterring men from seeking employment in childcare and early years. Men working with children report being questioned on their motives, and suspected of having perverse sexual intentions (Penn and McQuail, 1997; Rolfe et al., 2003). In research by NIESR for the DfES on recruitment of childcare and early years workers, a young male nursery assistant explained how his school friends, his parents and their friends had almost discouraged him from becoming a childcare worker, by suggesting that childcare was not a job for a ‘normal’ man. He also described people’s reactions on hearing he works with children: ‘Older people (adults) look at you a bit funny, like you are a bit dodgy, a paedophile or something. It’s more looks than what they say although they sometimes say to me “isn’t that a bit weird?” I just walk away and swear under my breath.’ (Rolfe et al., 2003, p. 51). There are also reports of men being treated differently while on training courses. This includes being asked to provide the ‘alternative’ male viewpoint, which could draw unwelcome attention, or being questioned on their motives for working with children (see Thurtle and Jennings, 1998, p. 637; Meleady, 1998, p. 229). Being in a minority can be an uncomfortable experience, and evidence suggests that this may be a key factor discouraging men from working in childcare and early years. The importance of a ‘critical mass’ in encouraging others may help to explain the greater proportion of men in out-of-school provision and also why settings such as the Sheffield Children’s Centre have found it easier to recruit men once some were in post.

7 Temmuz 2015 Salı

selecting 6 items of the ASI scale

Ambivalent Sexism Inventory (ASI)
This scale assesses levels of both hostile and benevolent
sexism (Glick and Fiske 1996). A sample item from the
hostile sexism subscale is “Feminists are seeking for women
to have more power than men.” A sample item from the
benevolent sexism subscale is “Many women have a quality
of purity that few men possess.” A 6-point scale ranging
from 1 (disagree strongly) to 6 (agree strongly) was used to
assess participants’ responses, and scale scores were calculated
by averaging participants’ responses. Both subscales
had acceptable internal consistency reliability in the present
study with Cronbach’s alphas of .91 and .83, respectively.

Shepherd, M., Erchull, M. J., Rosner, A., Taubenberger, L., Queen, E. F., & McKee, J. (2011). “I’ll get that for you”: The relationship between benevolent sexism and body self-perceptions. Sex Roles64(1-2), 1-8.

Communal stereoype priming

Communal stereotype prime. Participants were randomly assigned to either the
communal prime or no prime condition. Following the communal stereotype priming procedure
utilized by Jost and Kay (2005), participants in the prime condition were asked to indicate
whether five communal traits (considerate, honest, happy, warm, moral) applied more to men or
to women, and to what extent. Participants responded on a 10-point scale from 0 (“Men are more
considerate”) to 9 (“Women are more considerate”), substituting the appropriate trait. Mean
ratings in the prime condition were above the scale midpoint of 4, indicating that men rated
women as more communal than men (M = 5.14, SD = .86).
Good, J. J., & Sanchez, D. T. (2009). Communal stereotypes prime men's benevolent sexism: Implications for romance and family. Psychology of men & masculinity10(1), 88.