norm violations and honor --- spurned honor

"Performing acceptable behaviors in honor cultures increases social image while any act of violating damages it."

"Performing acceptable behaviors in honor cultures increases social image while any act of violating honor values damages it." from Ugur-Sakalli (2013). Honor” and “Honor Violence against Women” in Honor Cultures: Social Psychological Explanations. Turkish Psychological Articles.

NOT ONLY VIOLATING HONOR VALUES, HONOUR IS NOT SOMETHING MADE UP OF SPECIFIC VALUES, BUT IT IS A CULTURAL SYSTEM THAT EFFECTS MANY INDIVIDUALS' PSYCHOLOGY (AFFECT, BEHAVIOR, COGNITION) COLLECTIVELY.

see this paper, Daly & Wilson (1989) Homicide and Cultural Evolution.

honour beliefs as an ideology

http://www.tandfonline.com/doi/abs/10.1080/02134748.2014.918822?journalCode=rrps20#.VRBolNKsW-c

Abstract

The purpose of this work is to analyse how some ideological variables (ambivalent sexism, culture of honour, and right-wing authoritarianism) affect rape myths acceptance (RMA). Two hundred and fourteen university students (83 men and 131 women), mean age 20.39 years old, participated. The results show that there is a high correlation between RMA and hostile sexism, benevolent sexism, culture of honour, and right-wing authoritarianism. Hostile sexism and right-wing authoritarianism predict RMA in both male and female samples. Benevolent sexism predicts RMA in the female sample. In addition, in the male sample right-wing authoritarianism interacts with hostile sexism to predict RMA, while in the female sample right-wing authoritarianism interacts with benevolent sexism to predict RMA. These results show the close relationship existing between certain ideological variables and RMA.

VERY IMPORTANT GENDER NON-CONFORMATY MEASURES!

Development of this measure was motivated by the recognition that systemic discrimination is often rooted in unfair treatment of an individual based on instantaneous visual cues without any prior knowledge of that individual’s background or self-identity. Jones and colleagues examined socially assigned race and health status in the BRFSS and found that being perceived as White was linked with better health outcomes in individuals who self-identified as a racial/ethnic minority (Jones et al. 2008). Given that perceived gender nonconformity, like socially assigned race, is an external cue used to judge an individual, it follows that socially assigned gender expression could be similarly linked to health disparities. The effects of discrimination and victimization based on socially assigned gender nonconformity can be severe and long-lasting. Verbal abuse towards children perceived as gender nonconforming can begin by age 6 years, if not earlier, while studies from the U.S. and the United Kingdom have found that victims report enduring psychological distress, suicidality, posttraumatic stress disorder, depression, anxiety, and physical health symptoms such as dizziness, headaches, or vomiting (Carbone 2008; D’Augelli et al. 2006; Fitzpatrick et al. 2005; Gruber and Fineran 2008; Hughes et al. 2007; Rivers 2004; Rosario et al. 2009). While studies with adults (Lippa 2002; Skidmore et al. 2006) and youth (Blashill and Powlishta 2009; D’Augelli et al. 2005) have found lesbian, gay, and bisexual (LGB) populations to be more gender nonconforming than heterosexuals, harassment and discrimination targeting nonconforming gender expression are not restricted to people with a minority sexual orientation. Heterosexuals may also be targets for bullying and verbal or physical abuse based on their gender expression (Horn 2007). Gender expression has been associated with acceptance by parents, peers, and society independent of sexual orientation, especially after middle school when standards of gender conforming behavior decrease in flexibility (Alfieri and Ruble 1996; Ma’Ayan 2003). In one study in which U.S. high school students rated the acceptability of hypothetical peers displaying a range of sexual orientations and gendered behaviors, gender nonconforming students were ranked as less acceptable than conforming individuals regardless of sexual orientation (Horn 2007). Elevated rates of victimization in LGB populations may be attributable in part to higher levels of gender nonconforming behavior compared to heterosexuals (Corliss et al. 2002; Rivers and Cowie 2006; Saewyc et al. 2006), although there may be important differences in the ways that sexual minority



Wylie, S. A., Corliss, H. L., Boulanger, V., Prokop, L. A., & Austin, S. B. (2010). Socially assigned gender nonconformity: A brief measure for use in surveillance and investigation of health disparities. Sex roles, 63(3-4), 264-276.

Gay Stereotypes: The Use of Sexual Orientation as a Cue for Gender-Related Attributes

http://link.springer.com/article/10.1007/s11199-009-9684-7/fulltext.html

"In addition to these two major hypotheses, analyses will also test for participant gender effects. However, given previous research showing that gay stereotypes (unlike attitudes toward homosexuality) do not vary as a function of participant gender, significant effects are not anticipated.

Finally, supplemental exploratory analyses will be conducted to examine whether the tendency to view homosexual targets as gender atypical is more pronounced for gay males vs. lesbians."

Liben, L. S., & Bigler, R. S. (2002). The developmental course of gender differentiation: Conceptualizing, measuring, and evaluating constructs and pathways. Monographs of the Society for Research in Childhood Development, 67(2), 1–147.

Measure Social Image OR Reputation OR Concern for Reputation

Some ciritical evaluations of "Rodriguez-Mosquera, Manstead and Fischer (2002) The role of honour concerns in emotional reactions to offences"

Empirical research on the determinants of emotional experiences in reaction to offences in honour cultures has, to date, mainly focused on the characteristics of offence situations that lead to emotion, and particularly to anger, in honour cultures. This research has documented that offences that: (a) take place in public; (b) question the reputation of one’s female relatives in terms of sexual shame; or (c) threaten masculinity lead to intense anger in honour cultures (see e.g., Nisbett & Cohen, 1996; Peristiany, 1965; Stewart, 1994). These types of offence threaten core honour values, such as the importance of protecting one’s reputation in public settings, thereby eliciting intense emotions in honour cultures. In other words, whether or not an offence has implications for the status of one’s honour plays an important role in determining how members of honour cultures react emotionally.


"In other words, it can be argued that emotional reactions to honour-threatening offences should be mediated by honour concerns, that is, by the extent to which one is concerned with maintaining honour by conforming to prescriptions of the honour code." ---> if honour is a culture and it is to do with social and moral reputation (just like religion, or capitalism), its conforming role should  go beyond the prescriptions of the honour code itself, but should be shaping all kinds of behaviors that are related to reputation. (See below that if honour values and honour are to do with reputation, social interdependence and family honour - importance and maintenance of these values can be implicated virtually to all public behavior)

Previous cross-cultural studies on social values in these countries have established that honour and honour values (e.g., reputation, social interdependence, family honour) are more important in Spain than in The Netherlands (Fischer, Manstead, & Rodriguez Mosquera, 1999, study 1; Rodriguez Mosquera, 1999; Rodriguez Mosquera, Manstead, & Fischer, in press).

There are two emotions that are especially associated with the loss of honour, according to the literature on honour: anger and shame. Anger has been studied in particular in relation to threats to male honour (Cohen & Nisbett, 1994, 1997; Cohen et al., 1996, 1998; Murphy, 1983; Nisbett & Cohen, 1996; Peristiany, 1965; Pitt-Rivers, 1977; Stewart, 1994). Honour cultures promote a view of manhood in which expressions of toughness, strength, and status in public behaviour are even more desirable than is the case in individualistic cultures (Gilmore, 1990).


GOOD:
In contrast to men’s emotional reactions to offences in honour cultures, women’s emotional reactions have been less systematically studied. In the lit- erature on honour and offences women are usually portrayed as the instigators of angry reactions in men in offence situations, and as socialisation agents of such angry reactions in children (see e.g., Nisbett & Cohen, 1996). Previous research on honour and emotions has shown, nevertheless, that offences can also lead to female anger in honour cultures: When asked to recall autobiographical experiences of anger, both female and male Spanish participants reported that being offended by an intimate other was a common elicitor of anger (Rodriguez Mosquera, Manstead, & Fischer, 2000). There are grounds, therefore, for expecting that offences would also lead to angry feelings on the part of women in honour cultures.

Feeling shame when social respect is withdrawn, as in the case of an offence, signals one’s attachment to the honour code and is moreover consistent with a self-definition in terms of ‘‘having a sense of shame’’. In addition, such an emotional reaction should reinforce one’s identity as a person who cares for his/ her honour. Because reputation is emphasised for both sexes in honour cultures, experiencing shame in reaction to an offence should be elicited in both women and men in these cultures.

Revisions in my ideas for my PhD dissertation - Discuss with Ayse

It was very interesting to read all the comments, and to see converging criticism from four different people! They are saying that these studies do not add much to advancing theory on culture of honour and its link to sexism, and that it shouldn't be published in JPSP as it is. So this automatically made me think if my PhD work would contribute to the advancement of theory, and what I should do in order to publish in good journals (not just JPSP).

I liked this comment. 

By creating an index, the authors treat honor at the cultural level as a continuous variable. Nations all value honor to a greater or less degree. This seems different from the way anthropologists have talked about cultures of honor. There are societies in which the social and economic world, and familial and gendered relations are structured around the honor code, and there are other cultures that have supplanted the honor code with liberalism. So, does it make sense to talk about cultures that are, say, moderate on the honor index? I think it's worth at least discussing the theoretical implications of considering honor as a construct that can vary in strength, as opposed to an organizing code that is present or absent in a culture.

I'm glad some reviewers think this way :)

In my first study, I started with looking at how people who endorse honour strongly would judge people who appear to be gender non-confirming (masculine women and feminine men) more harshly (an outcome of honour showing how honour may punish gender nonconfirming people), and then I can look at this from the other way around, so I can break people's honour, and see if they try to regain their honour through behaving in more gender-confirming  ways (this would provide evidence for how honour works in making men keep their masculine images, and women their feminine images). 

Next, I may go beyond gender norms and look at other social norms (e.g., high-status people appearing/behaving like low-status people. e.g., once one of my father's patients told my dad: "Doktor bey o elindeki eski telefonla napiyorsun? Doktor adamin antenli nokya telefonu mu olurmus, bir iphone alsana" demis. Hastalarim yuzunden telefonu upgrade etmem gerekti demisti babam. Baska bir reklam ajansi sahibi arkadasim Izmir'de parka bisikletle cikilamiyor biliyorsun Toronto'daki gibi rahat bir ortam yok demisti, cunku musterilerini onu o sekilde sort ve bisikletle gorurlerse ona is vermezlermis.). These high-status people appearing like low-status would probably be judged as less honourable, less competent people in an honour culture like Turkey than in non-honour culture. So honour would work as an organizing code which enforces people to confirm to the image and appearance norms expected of them.

Then, I may take it further and look at moral rules and conventions.

Research on moral psychology and philosophy differentiates moral rules (you shouldn't hit your friend) from conventions (you shouldn't make noise after 11pm), and they say that these are two forms of social regulation. In Turkey for instance, if people break moral rules, they are strongly condemned, others shame the violator of the moral rule. When it comes to conventional rules, which are broken all the time, and rule of law doesn't work properly to punish the violators, right, and because of the lack of laws as social regulators, people are encouraged to break the conventional rules. However, others may still shame the violators of conventional rules too, and they do. Maybe to a different extent.

In western Europe for instance, violations of even certain moral norms are punished by law. 

This also fits to the evidence which suggests that honour cultures have evolved in places where there are weak law-enforcement (conventions are like rule of law). In these cultures, moral rules might have.

And perhaps it is more meaningful to study the role of honour codes as a social regulator from a violations perspective, because it is easier to measure the effects of honour (emotional outcomes: shame, anger, etc.).

http://www.education.com/reference/article/morality-social-convention/