Empirical research on the determinants of emotional experiences in reaction
to offences in honour cultures has, to date, mainly focused on the characteristics
of offence situations that lead to emotion, and particularly to anger, in honour
cultures. This research has documented that offences that: (a) take place in
public; (b) question the reputation of one’s female relatives in terms of sexual
shame; or (c) threaten masculinity lead to intense anger in honour cultures (see
e.g., Nisbett & Cohen, 1996; Peristiany, 1965; Stewart, 1994). These types of
offence threaten core honour values, such as the importance of protecting one’s
reputation in public settings, thereby eliciting intense emotions in honour cultures.
In other words, whether or not an offence has implications for the status of
one’s honour plays an important role in determining how members of honour
cultures react emotionally.
"In
other words, it can be argued that emotional reactions to honour-threatening
offences should be mediated by honour concerns, that is, by the extent to which
one is concerned with maintaining honour by conforming to prescriptions of the
honour code." ---> if honour is a culture and it is to do with social and moral reputation (just like religion, or capitalism), its conforming role should go beyond the prescriptions of the honour code itself, but should be shaping all kinds of behaviors that are related to reputation. (See below that if honour values and honour are to do with reputation, social interdependence and family honour - importance and maintenance of these values can be implicated virtually to all public behavior)
Previous cross-cultural studies on social values in these countries have established
that honour and honour values (e.g., reputation, social interdependence,
family honour) are more important in Spain than in The Netherlands (Fischer, Manstead, & Rodriguez Mosquera, 1999, study 1; Rodriguez Mosquera, 1999;
Rodriguez Mosquera, Manstead, & Fischer, in press).
There are two emotions that are especially associated with the loss of honour, according to the literature on honour: anger and shame. Anger has been studied
in particular in relation to threats to male honour (Cohen & Nisbett, 1994, 1997;
Cohen et al., 1996, 1998; Murphy, 1983; Nisbett & Cohen, 1996; Peristiany, 1965; Pitt-Rivers, 1977; Stewart, 1994). Honour cultures promote a view of
manhood in which expressions of toughness, strength, and status in public
behaviour are even more desirable than is the case in individualistic cultures
(Gilmore, 1990).
GOOD:
In contrast to men’s emotional reactions to offences in honour cultures, women’s emotional reactions have been less systematically studied. In the lit- erature on honour and offences women are usually portrayed as the instigators of
angry reactions in men in offence situations, and as socialisation agents of such
angry reactions in children (see e.g., Nisbett & Cohen, 1996). Previous research
on honour and emotions has shown, nevertheless, that offences can also lead to
female anger in honour cultures: When asked to recall autobiographical
experiences of anger, both female and male Spanish participants reported that
being offended by an intimate other was a common elicitor of anger (Rodriguez Mosquera, Manstead, & Fischer, 2000). There are grounds, therefore, for
expecting that offences would also lead to angry feelings on the part of women
in honour cultures.
Feeling shame when social respect is withdrawn, as in the case of an offence,
signals one’s attachment to the honour code and is moreover consistent with a
self-definition in terms of ‘‘having a sense of shame’’. In addition, such an
emotional reaction should reinforce one’s identity as a person who cares for his/
her honour. Because reputation is emphasised for both sexes in honour cultures, experiencing shame in reaction to an offence should be elicited in both women
and men in these cultures.
Hiç yorum yok:
Yorum Gönder