Why WE SHOULD CONTROL for theoretically relevant variables

Given that our preliminary results showed that hostile sexism
was positively correlated with benevolent sexism and that both
gender and hostile sexism influenced our outcome variables (i.e.,
support for the EE policy), we controlled for hostile sexism and
gender in our analyses below. We note that controlling for either
hostile sexism or gender did not affect the significance of our
results, but we nevertheless control for them in our analyses here
(and in all subsequent studies) in line with best practices suggesting
that inclusion of control variables is warranted (and needed) if
control variables are theoretically relevant to the phenomenon
studied and are statistically related to dependent variables (e.g.,
Becker, 2005; Becker et al., 2016; Spector & Brannick, 2011).

Hiedek & Ferris (2016)

Teaching Philosophy of this person

http://kierstenbaughman.weebly.com/

Teaching Philosophy
My number one priority in the classroom is for students to apply the psychological principles we discuss to their own lives. Students are quite receptive to real-world application and often find it easy to retain information well with their own unique experience tied to a concept. It's much easier to recall a personal life experience when taking an exam than to call to mind a lengthy definition.

Students are challenged by my application-based exam questions, but I can be confident that they are storing the information in their long-term memory banks. Drawing from research on effective learning techniques, I value the ability of my students to differentiate between related concepts in applied situations rather than memorizing numerous definitions.

The experience of sitting in one of my lectures is unique from a typical lecture-based presentation. I learn my students' names early in the semester and strive to call on them individually during discussions. I infuse each lecture with a variety of visual aids, pictures and videos to illustrate what we're discussing, small group activities, and plenty of stimulating questions for critical thinking. I strive to provide adequate examples of my own for each concept, but solicit input from my students as well. Students inform me that coming up with their own examples ensures that they firmly grasp the concept as well as provides a unique study tool.

My effectiveness as an instructor can be seen in the positive feedback I receive consistently from one semester to the next. I elicit informal anonymous feedback from my students several times each semester aimed at improving their learning experience. End-of-semester evaluations often include comments that students thoroughly enjoyed the course, respect me as an instructor, and learned much more than anticipated from the course. I have been told time and again that mine was their favorite course and/or that I am one of the most effective teachers they've had in their college career. Students often wish to enroll in another of my courses, encourage their friends to take my courses, and express a desire to continue working with me as my research assistants.

It is my aim to create a dynamic, collaborative, engaging classroom environment which facilitates learning, not just today, but for years to come. Click below for my complete teaching philosophy, faculty evaluation, summary of student evaluations, and sample syllabi:

New Mediation Analysis

Although, as described above, there were no direct effects of the
benevolent sexism condition (compared to the control condition)
on attitudes, more recent treatments of mediation suggest this link
might not be necessary and that an indirect effect may nonetheless
exist (e.g., MacKinnon & Fairchild, 2009; Shrout & Bolger, 2002).
In line with this recent literature on mediation, we tested for an
indirect effect and it was significant (indirect effect .14, 95% CI
[.02, .28]). Thus, there was an indirect effect of the benevolent
sexism condition (compared to the control condition) on attitudes
via compassion. Taken together, these results provide evidence
that activating benevolent sexist stereotypes leads to higher experience
of compassion, which in turn leads to more support for a
gender-based EE policy.

Hideg, I., & Ferris, D. L. (2016). The Compassionate Sexist? How Benevolent Sexism Promotes and Undermines Gender Equality in the Workplace.

Identity, Surveillance, Humiliation

blackwood, hopkins, reicher (2012; 2013)

scottish muslims feel humiliated in airport survellience, and feel that their scottish + virtuous Muslim identity is threatenned.

What are the trigger conditions for defensive dehumanization (attributing less suffering or pain to the victim)?
- Dehumanization-as-a-function Emotional regulation hyp knowing that you cannot help/do so much
- Denying the pain of the person


Dehumanization may serve not only to justify harmful actions, but also to protect and cherished belief of those who observe harm.


Research question: Does dehumanization have a defensive function in dealing with the emotional costs in the context of rape?

Does dehumanization serve a positive function for the individual, while reducing punishment for the rape perpetrators, or reduce their support for the rape victims?

--- A bystander observing the rape.

Which is more interesting?
--- dehumanization of the Victim?
--- dehumanization of the Perpetrator?

Defensive dehumanization in the context of emotionally charged event
--- just world hypothesis predicts
--- emotion-regulation hypothesis


Feedback:
-- Cameron




Rape  context: focus on dehumanization of the rapist, and ingroup vs. outgroup related

Objectification (sexualized vs. non-sexualized woman), victim and perpetrator blaming (acquintace vs. stranger rape). 

-- What leads to dehumanization of the victim and perpetrator in a rape context? What could be the function of dehumanization in this context? 

* can be a defensive strategy? for emotional costs

* gaining control? 

* reduce fear towards ingroup (Germany) men? but to increase fear towards the outgroup (Arab) men?

* emotional distancing/less involved or justifying the rape?

 2 (objectification of victim: sexualized vs. non-sexualized) x 2 (ethnic background of the perpetrator: ingroup vs. outgroup), using a newspaper article to manipulate the rape

-- German girl raped by a German man (the sexualized/objectified woman would be blamed more and the perpetrator less) --> sexualization would matter.

-- German girl raped by a Turkish/Arab man, it would be blamed on the outgroup, and sexualization would make a less difference. 

-- Do you use dehumanization in the context of rape in order to reduce emotional costs?

-- If bystander participants are given opportunity to dehumanize, do they feel less distressing?

-- we should also look at a socially important DV = support for rape victims, or policies that reduce rape, etc. to see if while dehumanization may serve a function for the bystander, does it also lead to reduced support for policies that tackle rape or support for rape victims and punishment for perpetrators?

-- In the 2nd study, could we show that the dehumanization effect could get reduced by a news article that evokes less emotional distress

-- Dehumanization of perpetrator may have a paradox of self-serving function for the individual, but it may lead to a more negative societal consequence in the sense that you turn on a blind eye to it, and tolerate it.

--- it should be about dehumanization, but not just not perspective-taking.

Look at the two paths 

Is there a fucntion of dehumanization to deal with the emotional costs in the context of rape?

1) dehumanization of the perpetrator, and it leads to more empathy for the victim and help the victim more

2) dehumanization of the perpetrator, and it leads to less empathy for the victim and help the victim less

Empathy, contempt, disgust

Animalistically dehumanize the perpetrator, he cannot manage his sexual lust and 

if people dehumanize the perpetrator animalistically, they are also blaming the sexualized victim animalistically

STUDY IDEA - GAY MEN

Disgust toward homosexual behaviour (public kissing of gay men) may be the causal force underlying anti-gay moral attitudes (Inbar et. al., 2009)

-- hetero masculine
-- homo masculine
-- hetero feminine
-- hetero feminine

Mediators:
--- measure moral disgust (fear of contamination or male-male sex as a violation of moral purity violation)
--- measure reputation/social image concern

main DVs:
Wanting to interact with them in public (seen by others as associated to the gay man) vs. private
(need to make the public vs. private division extremely well)

HYPOTHESES:
Testing/pitting "bias-as-reputation hypothesis" vs. "bias-as-fear of contamination/violation of moral purity violation hypothesis:
PREDICTIONS:
--> if it is about reputation/social image, the aversion to interact with the target should be more pronounced in the public condition than the private condition
--> if it is about disgust (contamination/moral purity issue such as the sexual norm violation - sex can be seen as contaminating and male-male sex), aversion to interact with the target should more pronounced equally in the public and private condition
--> if reputation concern --> gender-atypical/feminine conditions (regardless of hetero and homosex) should matter more
---> if disgust/contamination/moral purity --> homosexual (regardless of feminine and masculine conditions) should matter more

EASP Summer school - Dehumanization and motivation to punish violators of honour norms

What is the role of infrahumanization (attributing less secondary emotions: the more the perpetrator feels shame, anger, humiliation, do they start seeing the target as having less of these secondary emotions such as compassion, tenderness, hope, bitterness, regret and shame, dehumanization (human nature - mechanistic dehumanization such as cold-hearted, no emotions, etc., see Kteily, Bruneau, et al., 2005), and importantly mind attribution (see Cameron et al., 2009) in motivation to punish the target who violates honour norms (female partner having an affair in public).

The victim may also be self-dehumanizing themselves (seeing as deserving.)

You can manipulate the honour violation as you did in rape study with Isabell (public, private, & control), and measure relational aggression/motivation to punish. Examine whether this is mediated by mental attribution, infrahumanization or dehumanization.

Teasing apart the femininity vs. sexual orientation in the anti-gay/femininity bias

Disgust toward homosexual behaviour (public kissing of gay men) may be the causal force underlying anti-gay moral attitudes (Inbar et. al., 2009)

-- hetero masculine
-- homo masculine
-- hetero feminine
-- hetero feminine

Mediators:
--- measure moral disgust (fear of contamination or male-male sex as a violation of moral purity violation)
--- measure reputation/social image concern

main DVs:
Wanting to interact with them in public (seen by others as associated to the gay man) vs. private
(need to make the public vs. private division extremely well)

HYPOTHESES:
Testing/pitting "bias-as-reputation hypothesis" vs. "bias-as-fear of contamination/violation of moral purity violation hypothesis:
PREDICTIONS:
--> if it is about reputation/social image, the aversion to interact with the target should be more pronounced in the public condition than the private condition
--> if it is about disgust (contamination/moral purity issue such as the sexual norm violation - sex can be seen as contaminating and male-male sex), aversion to interact with the target should more pronounced equally in the public and private condition
--> if reputation concern --> gender-atypical/feminine conditions (regardless of hetero and homosex) should matter more
---> if disgust/contamination/moral purity --> homosexual (regardless of feminine and masculine conditions) should matter more

Notes on Dehumanization

Individualswho are perceived as deviant (Vasiljevic &
Viki, 2014) or as lacking in normative standards (e.g.,
moral values) are more likely to be the target of dehumanization
(Brandt & Reyna, 2011; Haslam et al.,
2011). Thus, we argue that homophobic epithets, compared
with category labels and generic insults should
elicit dehumanization of male homosexuals. That is,
homophobic language does not only disparage gay
men but also places the spotlight on them as deviants,
exposing them to dehumanization. Those who are perceived
as violating values, especially in-group values
(Greenhalgh & Watt, 2014), or behaving in an antinormative
manner are indeed appraised as less human
(Vasiljevic & Viki, 2014).

In our work, we test whether homophobic epithets
lead to a denial of uniquely human qualities (Haslam,
2006), a form of dehumanization associated with viewing
others as more like animals. Specifically, we expect
that priming participants with homophobic epithets
should decrease the attribution of these uniquely
human characteristics to gay men.

Previous research has shown that
people tend to maintain physical distance toward individuals
labeled as deviant, perceived as dissimilar
and negatively stereotyped (Heinemann, Pellander,
Vogelbusch, & Wojtek, 1981; Macrae, Bodenhausen,
Milne, & Jetten, 1994; Skitka, Bauman, & Sargis,
2005; Snyder & Endelman, 1979). Moreover, physical
distancing is a way to protect the self from physical
and psychological contagion (Kurzban & Leary,
2001; Park, Faulkner, & Schaller, 2003). In this
regard, it should be noted that some authors have
argued that anti-gay prejudice is related to perceived
threat to heterosexuals’ health and values (Cottrell &
Neuberg, 2005). This fear of contagion at the psychological
level as well as at the physical level should be
particularly salient in heterosexuals when gay men
are labeled in a disparaging way. This is because homophobic
epithets can stress gay deviance, and thus
the “threat” that gay men pose. Hence, compared
with category labels or generic insults, we expect
homophobic epithets to be more likely to induce
physical distancing from a gay man.

Participants Section with Apriori or Posthoc Power Analysis using G Power

Method 
Participants 
We recruited 173 participants (85 female, 88 male, Mage ¼ 37.00 years, SDage ¼ 13.92 years) for US$0.50 on MTurk. Participants were randomly assigned to a 2 (stigma: high, low) 2(suffering intensity: high, low) between-subjects design. Power analysis using G*Power 3.1 revealed that to find a comparable stigma effect to the pilot study (d ¼ .37) with 80% power and a one-tailed probability of .05, the required sample size is n ¼ 184.

from:

Cameron, C. D., Harris, L. T., & Payne, B. K. (2015). The Emotional Cost of Humanity Anticipated Exhaustion Motivates Dehumanization of Stigmatized Targets. Social Psychological and Personality Science, 1948550615604453.

AMAZING IDEA - TEST THIS!!! FEELING DISRESPECT WHEN HONOUR WAS DESERVED VS. HONOUR WAS NOT DESERVED

Honor is another concept which partially overlaps with the meaning of “respect.” Honor refers to an actor’s public reputation based on her public compliance with the code of a particular status group. Typically it entails norms mandating honesty, courage, calm composure, or generosity (Berger, 1970; Lebow, 2008: chap. 2; Offer, 1995). The experience of disrespect, by contrast, largely depends on the relationship between others’ behavior and one’s own subjective expectations, in particular to one’s own standards of social worth and importance. Honor is based on the opinion of the broader social environment; it is not a specific attitude which a particular actor is supposed to display in a specific social encounter. In contrast, the experience of respect and disrespect intrinsically depends on an actor’s subjective sense of her self-worth and -importance. Accordingly, in some instances an actor may not feel disrespected even though somebody has tarnished her honor (or reputation or prestige): for instance, if she is well aware of the fact that the honor she publicly enjoyed was actually based on fraud or cover-up.

Wolf, R. (2011). Respect and disrespect in international politics: the significance of status recognition. International Theory, 3(1), 105-142.

Mplus code for mediation, moderation, and moderated mediation models

http://offbeat.group.shef.ac.uk/FIO/mplusmedmod.htm

FYP Research Projecs

Adrianna, you were missing today, but not to worry. We discussed some ideas about a potential project on masculine honour, which each of you can tackle from different angles. The overarching idea that we came up with is to show that the social context (particularly, high violence and conflicts) is important in increasing value/preference for more traditional honour-related qualities in men (toughness, bravery, ability to defend himself, and protect others close to him). 

So far we thought of looking at 1) whether women rate honour-related traits and behaviors as more important in men as sexual/romantic mates, 2) whether women (and men) prefer to raise their sons with more honour-related traits and qualities when there is more violence and potential for threats from outsiders versus when there is not (in a peaceful context). We can run projects along these ideas.

As promised, I am sending you the primary readings on masculine and culture of honour threat. These can help you familiarize with the topic and the background of our project. 

In the book pdf that I attached by Vandello & Cohen (2004) chapter 12, search for the chapter titled When Believing Is Seeing: Sustaining Norms of Violence in Cultures of Honor.

Also question marks before the article names do not mean anything.

We will meet all of us again in September, and hopefully set up the studies on Qualtrics for data collection ideally in October. 

-----------------------------------NOTES----------------------------------------

Need to measure perceived salience (high vs. low) threat after threat of violence manipulation.

Check Immo.Frietsche@uni-leipzig.de

Authrotarian responses to threat do not genuinely reflect political conservativism: why and when the paris bombings motivated protests for liberalism and intergroup tolerance

SHORT STUDY IDEA - RELATIONSHIP BETWEEN SELF-ESTEEM AND MASC. & FEM. HONOUR IN TURKEY AND ENGLAND

Dear Ayse,

I found a new honour scale here, and I attached it here for you as you may want to keep it too.

Some study ideas came to my mind after being inspired of short one study papers. For instance, the paper by Sheida Novin and colleagues talk about self-esteem and honour, but they haven't measured masculine and feminine honour which they are point out in their future research suggestions. We have data on this already from the Mass Test data, and I did some correlational analysis on this with White-British participants, which had quite interesting results.

*** Results with White-UK/Irish participants (We measured integrity, family, feminine and masculine honour concerns with Patricia's scale:

- Interestingly, masculine honour and self-esteem correlated negatively for males, but positive for females. 

- No other Honour measure correlated with self-esteem for males. For females, integrity honour and family honour were also positive correlated.

I ran the correlations also with non-White British/Irish and non-White European, and other non-White participants, this data had mainly Indian, Pakistani, Bengladeshi, Asian and Black participants, and even though the number of males were so low (N = 9), masculine, family and integrity honour correlated very strongly with self-esteem scale for males, and feminine honour correlated significantly for females. 

I thought we could collect data from Turkey too, and maybe we could publish a short paper out of this. I think the negative significant correlation with self-esteem and masculine honour for white-British participants is interesting.

I had one more idea, to look at different appraisals of shame in a low-honour and a high-honour culture. That idea came from Gausel and Leach's study published on GPIR special issue on Social Image.

Maybe these ideas can stay in the drawer for now, but I thought how easy and quick it would be to publish one-study papers. Neat and focused with short Intro's and Discussions :)

See you tomorrow at our lab meeting.

Best,

Pelin

SHORT STUDY IDEA - APPRAISALS OF SHAME IN AN HONOUR VS. DIGNITY CULTURE

inspiration source: Gausel, N., & Leach, C. W. (2011). Concern for self‐image and social image in the management of moral failure: Rethinking shame. European Journal of Social Psychology, 41(4), 468-478.

Dear Ayse,

I think I got inspired by one study short paper because of their efficiency in little time and effort, and I think now I'm primed with thinking about a basic study that can advance theory.

Idea for a cross-cultural study in a honour vs. dignity culture, looking at how moral failures are related to perceptions' of others' condemnation (social image concern) or one's self-defect (self-image concern), and how much shame and rejection this would cause. In this case audience (public vs. private) can also be manipulated and it may work (I got the idea after Gausel & Leach's paper published in the GPIR special issue - They showed appraising shame through self-defect evokes feelings of shame, while appraising shame through other's condemnation evokes feelings of rejection).

Prediction: 
Testing the mechanism from moral failure to experiences of shame. In an honor culture, people may tend to appraise their shame experiences based on other's condemnation (more than self-condemnation).
One would expect that in Turkey (honor culture, with its cultural sensitivity to social image concerns), people would tend to appraise their shame based on other's condemnation (social image concern) after a moral failure more than people in England (dignity), and both groups of people would feel more shame about their moral failure. So the results/strength of the path from moral failure to shame may differ in both cultures, and this could be moderated by Public/Private moral failure.

Moral failure can be lying or not being honest to a friend, or hurting them (since care and fairness are universal moral failures).

Culture and Public/Private would be moderators, of the mediation model:

IV = moral failure 

2 Mediators = other's condemnation & self-condemnation

DV = feeling shame or feeling rejected

Majoritarian vs. Consensus

https://www.opendemocracy.net/westminster/zeynep-n-kaya-matthew-whiting/floating-or-sinking-state-of-democracy-in-turkey-and-rise-of-hdp


https://www.opendemocracy.net/firdevs-robinson/turkey%E2%80%99s-silent-minority-standing-proud-for-first-time

https://www.opendemocracy.net/neophytos-loizides/reforming-turkish-democracy

Turkey- No laughing Matter

http://fpc.org.uk/articles/614

American Honor Killings: Desire and Rage Among Men - David McConnell

https://books.google.co.uk/books?id=WVDePL0yS8oC&pg=PA17&lpg=PA17&dq=honor+%2B+manhood+%2B+gays&source=bl&ots=EJWaFyD_p8&sig=mWEIoZsRnCkaxY1aVfRPZNNz6W4&hl=en&sa=X&ved=0ahUKEwjo9e_V-vnMAhVMDcAKHfWzDIcQ6AEIKjAC#v=onepage&q=gay&f=false

American Honor Killings: Desire and Rage Among Men

David McConnell 

http://www.davidmcconnell.com/index.htm

http://www.indiebound.org/book/9781617751325

Jack Donovan blog post on masculinity and morality

http://www.counter-currents.com/2012/06/masculinity-and-master-morality/

How to report in text and figure, and understand Mediation

https://jocelynbelanger.wordpress.com/statistical-videos/

BBC Radio 4 Women's Hour - Is being called 'totty' at work a compliment? - FOR BENEVOLENT SEXISM PAPER

http://www.bbc.co.uk/programmes/p03rm78z

TURK PRIME

https://www.turkprime.com/Account/Register

DATA COLLECTED and useful for some descriptive questions

http://zacat.gesis.org/webview/index.jsp?object=http://zacat.gesis.org/obj/fStudy/ZA5900

https://dbk.gesis.org/dbksearch/sdesc2.asp?no=5900

Abstract

Family and changing gender roles.


Topics:

attitude towards employment of mothers;
role distribution of man and woman in occupation and household;
preferred extent of employment for women during different stages of child raising;
attitudes towards marriage, cohabitation without marriage, and divorce;
attitudes towards single-parenting and childcare by same sex female and male couples (alternative family forms);
ideal number of children for a family;
attitudes towards children: views on the significance of children in life;
gender, care and social policy: attitude towards paid leave for full-time working parents and preferred duration of paid leave;
source of finance for paid leave;
preferred division of this paid leave period between mother and father;
best way of organisation of family and work life for a family with a child under school age and the least desirable option;
principal payers for childcare for children under school age (family itself, government or public funds or employers);
family or institutions that should primarily provide support for the elderly;
principal payer for this help to elderly people;
time budget for housekeeping and looking after family members for both partners;
management of income in marriage or partnership;
allocation of duties in the household and in family matters;
estimation of fair share of the household work;
decision making within partnership in weekend activities and in matters of child raising;
principal earner (partner with higher income);
frequency of stress caused by family, work and household duties;
estimation of general personal happiness;
satisfaction with employment situation and family life;
assessment of personal health;
employment of mother during childhood of respondent;
employment of respondent and spouse/partner in various phases of child raising.


Demography:

sex;
age;
year of birth;
years in school;
education (country specific);
highest completed degree;
work status;
hours worked weekly;
employment relationship;
number of employees;
supervision of employees;
number of supervised employees;
type of organization:
for-profit vs. non profit and public vs. private;
occupation (ISCO-88);
main employment status;
living in steady partnership;
union membership;
religious affiliation or denomination (country specific);
groups of religious denominations;
attendance of religious services;
top-bottom self-placement;
vote in last general election;
country specific party voted in last general election;
party voted (left-right);
ethnicity (country specific);
number of children;
number of toddlers;
size of household;
earnings of respondent (country specific);
family income (country specific);
marital status;
place of living: urban - rural;
region (country specific).


Information about spouse and about partner on:

work status;
hours worked weekly;
employment relationship: supervises other employees, occupation (ISCO-88);
main employment status;
education and age of current spouse/partner;
duration of current relationship.


Additionally encoded:

date of interview;
case substitution flag;
mode of data collection;
weight.

https://www.understandingsociety.ac.uk/

https://www.understandingsociety.ac.uk/2016/02/08/housework

Who does the housework in multicultural Britain?

The first ever nationally representative study of how housework is organised by couples across different ethnic groups in Britain finds that, contrary perhaps to expectation, white British couples are not necessarily the most equal in how they divide up the daily chores or in their attitudes to men’s and women’s roles.

The study, by Professor Heather Laurie from the Institute for Social and Economic Research at the University of Essex and Dr Man-Yee Kan from the University of Oxford, examined the attitudes and behaviours of almost 30,000 co-habiting or married men and women taking part in the UK’s huge household panel study, Understanding Society.

Read the full paper Gender, ethnicity and household labour in married and cohabiting couples in the UK’ hereand read coverage of the research and an interview with Professor Laurie in The Observer

The data provided a detailed picture of how much time couples spend on routine housework and their attitudes to men’s and women’s roles within the household and in employment .The researchers were able to see how education levels, employment status, socio-economic background and ethnicity played a part in determining how British couples divide up chores.

In all groups women spend significantly more hours on housework than men – taking on an average share of 70% of the chores in the home such as cooking and cleaning. Women who have a degree and those in paid employment do a significantly lower share than those without jobs or without higher level qualifications. But there was considerable variation by ethnic background.

Professor Heather Laurie said: “We found both differences and similarities among ethnic groups, but were surprised to see that in multi-cultural Britain today white British couples are not necessarily the most modern and egalitarian in their outlook on housework. Black Caribbean men have the least traditional attitudes to gender roles while Indian men report taking on a fairer share of routine housework than white British men even though Indian, Pakistani and Bangladeshi women spend significantly more time on housework than white British women.

Education was important for both men and women. Indian men with a degree do more housework than those without, as do Bangladeshi men with a degree, Chinese men with a spouse who has a degree, Indian women with a degree and mixed background women whose spouse has a degree. Men spend – on average – fewer than half the hours that women spend on housework each week, with men spending a mean of 6 hours a week compared to a mean of 14 hours a week for women. Pakistani men however, report spending the fewest housework hours and the lowest share of housework of all groups. Pakistani and Bangladeshi women report spending a high of almost 24 hours a week on housework on average. Once other factors such as education, whether in paid employment, and whether a first or second generation immigrant are taken into account, the difference compared to white British women falls to between 3 and 5 hours a week.

Our research is the first study of its kind to use the rich data available from the panel survey Understanding Society to look at a large scale nationally representative sample of Britain and examine close up how couples divide housework chores across different ethnic groups. The results should be interesting to policy makers, educationalists and sociologists looking to understanding how couples are living in Britain today.”

MEDIATION OUTPUT - PATH COEFFICIENTS WHEN MEDIATOR CONTROLLED FOR AND WHEN NOT CONTROLLED FOR

***NOTES ON MEDIATION AND HOW TO REPORT THE STANDARDIZED COEFFICIENTS.
*The direct effect when mediators are controlled for is given by the PROCESS output.
*The direct effect when mediators are not controlled for is given by simple linear regression IV and DV.

inspiring BS criticisms in Psych Today

I like this one a lot:

https://www.psychologytoday.com/blog/pop-psych/201511/the-very-strange-world-sexism-research

You sent this to me earlier - critique of the ASI items:

https://www.psychologytoday.com/blog/homo-consumericus/200901/exploring-the-items-used-measure-benevolent-sexism

This one with Judith Hall and her student (This is a good source to cite for the insidiousness argument because it argues that BS is like a wolf in sheep's clothing!)

https://www.psychologytoday.com/blog/the-new-resilience/201504/can-you-spot-sexist

I'm very inspired to create our presentation slides after warming up with these fun psych-today posts on BS research :)

http://www.huffingtonpost.com/2011/06/27/men-dont-recognize-benevolent-sexism_n_885430.html

http://www.telegraph.co.uk/women/sex/8575363/Chivalry-is-actually-benevolent-sexism-feminists-conclude.html

Kadin Cinayetlerindeki Ceza Indirimleri: Haksiz Tahrik indirimi, Saygin Tutum indirimi, iYI Hal inidirimi

Deniz Adıbey, "Kadın cinayetlerinde, katillere kravat taktıkları için, 'pişmanım' dedikleri için iyi hal indirimi uygulanıyor. 'Tutku derecesinde sevdim' dediklerinde, saygın tutum indirimi uygulanıyor. 'Erkekliğime laf etti' dediğinde ise, haksız fiil indirimi uygulanıyor. 

http://www.radikal.com.tr/turkiye/kadin-cinayetlerinde-ceza-indirimi-olmamasi-icini-yuruduler-1477836/

http://www.milliyet.com.tr/haksiz-tahrik-ve-iyi-hal-indirimi-kadin-diyarbakir-yerelhaber-1066438/

Deniz Deger cinayeti muzisyen:
http://www.posta.com.tr/deniz-deger-cinayetinde-adli-tip-raporu-aciklandi-haberi-304449

http://www.diken.com.tr/deger-deniz-cinayetinde-sevgili-savunmasi-sozleri-erkekligime-dokundu-oldurdum/

Art of Manliness Podcast #86: Demonic Males With Richard Wrangham

Why are men (generally) more violent then women? Why are men (generally) drawn to competition and achieving status? Is the idea that masculinity means having courage and strength just a complete cultural construct or is there a biological underpinning to it?


http://www.artofmanliness.com/2014/10/24/demonic-males-podcast/

The Social Mind Summer School

The Traits That Make Up Human-beings Unique
http://www.bbc.com/future/story/20150706-the-small-list-of-things-that-make-humans-unique


What Makes Humans Unique? (III) Self-domestication, Social Cognition, and Physical Cognition
http://www.replicatedtypo.com/what-makes-humans-unique-iii-self-domestication-social-cognition-and-physical-cognition/1464.html

How Are Humans Unique?
http://www.nytimes.com/2008/05/25/magazine/25wwln-essay-t.html?_r=0

Conformity Is Unique To Humans, Integral In Most Social Interactions, And It Begins As Early As 2 Years Old

http://www.medicaldaily.com/conformity-unique-humans-integral-most-social-interactions-and-it-begins-early-2-years-old-308886

Things unique to humans
http://www.metaprimate.com/unique-to-human/

Redefine Intelligence
http://upliftconnect.com/humans-arent-intelligent-creatures-planet/

http://science.howstuffworks.com/life/inside-the-mind/human-brain/humans-smartest-animal.htm



http://www.cell.com/neuron/abstract/S0896-6273(10)00181-9?_returnURL=http%3A%2F%2Flinkinghub.elsevier.com%2Fretrieve%2Fpii%2FS0896627310001819%3Fshowall%3Dtrue&cc=y=

What makes us, humans unique in the animal kingdom is our superior social skills. We are highly social creatures capable of empathy, compassion, justice, equality, cooperation and altruism, yet we are also capable of making unimaginable destruction for ourselves, be violent, discriminate the “others” and create wars and genocides. How can our ‘social minds’ differ in such drastic ways? How did we become social creatures in the first place and why are some people more socially skilled than others? 

Teaching Culture and Social Mind - Online Free Library

http://www.wwu.edu/culture/contents_complete.htm

Sage Podcast - Men and Masculinities: Taking Control of Sex? Hegemonic Masculinity, Technology, and Internet Pornography

http://sagepodcast.sage-publications.libsynpro.com/men-and-masculinities-taking-control-of-sex-hegemonic-masculinity-technology-and-internet-pornography

Sage Podcast - Rebel Manhood

http://sagepodcast.sage-publications.libsynpro.com/rebel-manhood-the-hegemonic-masculinity-of-the-southern-rock-music-revival

Sage Podcast Ambivalent Sexism

http://sagepodcast.sage-publications.libsynpro.com/ambivalent-sexism-revisited

Situations affording preference for honourable/traditional qualities in men.

What I have in mind is to run a study where we can manipulate the context of violence/bullying/competition among males for mating/scare economical resources, etc. which would all potentially raise the importance of masculine honour and preference for traditional masculine qualities in males. It is very much culture of honour related. If more than a few students write, I will think of a range of studies too. Also I remembered now in Cologne when the gang sexual assaults happened, women asked (German-looking) men if they could stay near them so they would feel safe. One German man said he was very pissed off that they were attacking women, and he started punching one of the perpetrator. So German men can have honour if the context affords it. 

So rather than man responding to masculinty threats (feedback given that they are feminine) by more endorsement of violence, wars, risk-taking, aggression, competition, etc. This research will reverse the order of the input/output and show that in the situations where there is violence, wars, aggression,  social chaos/disorganization, unlawful, antidemocracy, scarce economic resources, intra-male competition, etc. will lead to the importance given for masculine honour, and the honourable/traditional male target will be liked more.

Social psychology of traditional manhood and masculine honour (Ayse Uskul): The focus of most social psychology research on gender has been on the negative consequences of having a traditional masculine identity. This has raised scholarly criticisms for essentializing male-female difference and ignoring the differences within gender categories. Some people even said that the idea of hegemonic masculinity is "an invention of New Age psychologists" determined to portray that men are excessively macho (Connell & Messerchimidt, 2005, p. 891). This project attempts to further understand the anti-social and pro-social aspects of traditional and honourable masculinity. When and why do modern and traditional masculinities emerge? Under what situations, the traditional masculine qualities are functional? When do women like and dislike the traditional man? Final year students can address these types of questions by conducting online/lab experiments. Students can work individually or in pairs to collect data from RPS. Suitable for a group of ??? students.

Reference is needed:

Connell, R. W., & Messerschmidt, J. W. (2005). Hegemonic masculinity rethinking the concept. Gender & Society, 19(6), 829-859.

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Why do women like honourable men?

Manipulate the degree of social chaos and violence
Social chaos condition: high salience of war, violence, competition (Istanbul/Cairo style)
Social order and peace condition: everyone is in peace, calm flowers, trees, colours, birds (Leiden style)

Study 1 (self-report attitude measures):
DV:
Honour ideology for manhood (can ask pre- and post-test as well!)
Masculine norms inventory

Study 2 (judgment of male targets)
create a male target with masculine honour qualitoes vs. non-honour qualities or masculine vs. anti-masculine

Study 3 (Control for liberal/radical feminism, gender-role beliefs, etc.)

Helena Wladimirna Antipoff (1982 - 1974) The Feminist Psychologist, newsletter of the Society for the Psychology of Women, Division 35 of the APA. Appearing with permission of the author.

http://www.apadivisions.org/division-35/about/heritage/helena-antipoff-biography.aspx

Helena Wladimirna Antipoff (1982 - 1974)

by Pelin Gul

Helena Wladimirna Antipoff was born to a wealthy aristocratic Russian family on March 25, 1892, in Grodno, Belarus, which was then a province of the Russian Empire. Due to the social unrest and the revolution that was about to occur in Russia, her family moved to Paris. There, Antipoff attended the University of Sorbonne, and in 1911 obtained a bachelor’s degree in science. During her studies in Sorbonne, she attended Pierre Janet’s and Henri Bergson’s lectures on psychology, igniting her interest in the subject. Upon her graduation, she interned at the Alfred-Binet Laboratory under the supervision of Theodore Simon, assisting in the ongoing research measuring the intellectual ability of school-aged children (Campos, 2012).

Enthusiastic about the field of psychology, she went to Geneva, Switzerland, to study with the psychologist Edouard Claparède who was a pioneer in the area of children’s learning.  She received her training at the Institute of Jean Jacques Rousseau (IJJR) from 1912 to 1916 where she obtained a diploma in educational psychology. At Claparède’s invitation, Antipoff then joined the team at the IJJR and devoted herself to research on intelligence testing and children’s learning. She acquired extensive knowledge of the “Active School” methods — an approach which emphasized the autonomy and creativity of children in their process of learning basic skills (Campos, 2001).

In 1916, she left Geneva and moved back to Russia to take care of her father who was seriously injured in the world war. Despite the social and political instability that followed, she decided to stay in Russia until 1924 (Campos, 2001).  During her stay in Petrograd (formerly St. Petersburg), she became acquainted with the directions taken by Soviet Psychology under the influence of the historical-cultural approach. In 1918, she married the journalist and writer Victor Iretzky and in 1919 she had a son, Daniel Iretzky Antipoff, who later became a famous agronomist and an educator (Campos, 2001)

Antipoff published articles on the results of her investigation of children’s cognitive capacities in 1924.However, the articles were severely criticized by the Soviet regime, claiming that they demonstrated the superiority of upper-class children over working-class ones in standardized tests (Campos, 2001). Although Antipoff interpreted the results as indicating that the scope of the tests were bounded by the cultural constructs of the upper-class.

Because of the restricted freedom of expression in Soviet Russia and her husband’s exile to Berlin, Antipoff fled to Germany in 1925. A year later, Antipoff and her husband separated, and she went back to the IJJR in Geneva as Claparède’s assistant, and a Professor of Child Psychology. There, she published articles on children’s process of learning about and interacting with their environment (Campos, 2011).

In 1929, Antipoff accepted an invitation to prepare Brazilian teachers at the newly established Teachers College in Belo Horizonte. Once there, she also started a research program studying the interests, ideals and cognitive development of school children at the Teachers College Laboratory of Psychology — one of the first laboratories of psychology established in the country (Campos, 2001). For her first published report in 1930, Antipoff designed a questionnaire for fourth graders, dealing with their preferred tasks at home and at school, preferred toys and books, adult models, and plans for the future. She compared these results with those obtained in Germany, Switzerland, United States and Moscow, and revealed the impact of social and cultural environment in shaping children’s inner trends (Campos, 2001).

After several successful renewals of her initial contract at the Teachers College, Antipoff decided to permanently stay in Brazil. She conducted other studies concerning the mental development of children in Belo Horizonte public schools at the Teachers College Laboratory of Psychology during the 1930s (Campos, 2001). She criticized Binet’s definition of intelligence as a “capacity to solve new problems through thought” (Claparède, 1933; as cited in Campos, 2001, p. 145) as well as intelligence tests for imperfectly measuring the intellectual ability. For her, intelligence was “a more complex product shaped by the actions of several agents, besides innate intellectual dispositions and biological growth, the combination of character and social environment in which a child grows up, as well as the pedagogical action, education and instruction to which a child is submitted both at home and at school” (Antipoff, 1931; as cited in Campos, 2001, p. 145).

In 1932, Antipoff founded the Pestalozzi Society in collaboration with a group of educators, doctors, intellectuals and philanthropists to guide and treat children with mental disabilities. Antipoff encouraged the use of non-derogatory words such as exceptional to describe this population, instead of using the words such as abnormal, subnormal or subhuman. When questioned about this, she replied that: “We are devoted to de-emphasizing the labels that were used in our first publications, such as abnormal children, imbeciles, and idiots. They are so very pejorative. Don’t you think?” (Antipoff, 1975; as cited in Block, 2007, p.187)

In 1937, Antipoff left the Teachers College. However, she decided to stay in Brazil for the rest of her life.  In the years following, she worked to expand educational opportunities in rural Brazil. After receiving her Brazilian citizenship in 1952, Antipoff found a position as a professor of Educational Psychology in the School of Philosophy, Humanities and Sciences at the Federal University of Minas Gerais (Campos, 2012). She contributed to the education of the first generations of Brazilian psychologists, and helped initiate the legal regulation of the profession (Campos, 2012).

As a researcher and an educator of children with mental disabilities for a period of over 45 years, Antipoff significantly contributed to the development of a national model for special education and support services for disabled people in Brazil (Campos, 2012). She advocated social and educational inclusion at a time when individuals with disabilities were being sterilized, persecuted, imprisoned and even killed in other countries. Today, her work is achieved and carried out in the Helena Antipoff Foundation in Brazil.  In recognition of her accomplishments, the former governor of Minas Gerais, Milton Campos said: “She planted ten thousand seeds in our wilderness. All teachers and students whose lives she touched will now continue her work” (Pestalozzi Association of Niteroi, n.d., para. 19).

Selected Works By 

Antipoff, H. (1928). L'evolution et la variabilite des fonctions motrices [Evolution and variability of motor functions]. Archives de Psychologie, 21, 1-54. 

Antipoff, H. (1930). Ideais e interesses das criancas de Belo Horizonte e algumas sugestoes pedagogicas [Ideals and interests of Belo Horizonte schoolchildren and some pedagogical suggestions] (Boletim 6). Belo Horizonte, Minas Geraus, Brazil: Secretaria do Interior do Estado de Minas Gerais.

Antipoff, H. (1931). O desenvolvimento mental das criancas de Belo Horizonte [The mental development of Belo Horizonte schoolchildren] (Boletim 7). Belo Horizonte, Minas Geraus, Brazil: Secretaria de Educacao e Saiide Publica.

Antipoff, H. (1944). Como pode a escola contribuir para a formacao de atitudes democraticas? [How can schools promote the development of democratic attitudes?]. Revista Brasileira de Estudos Pedagogicos, 7(1), 26-45.

Antipoff, H. (1966). Educacao dos excepcionais e sua integracao na comunidade rural [The education of exceptionals and their integration to the rural community]. Boletim da Sociedade Pestalozzi do Brasil, 31, 7-18.

Selected Works About

Antipoff, D. (1975). Helena Antipoff: Sua vida/sua obra [Helena Antipoff: Her life/her work]. Livraria José Olympio Editora, Rio de Janeiro.

Block, J. (2007). Institutional utopias, eugenics, and intellectual disability in Brazil. History and Anthropology, 18(2), 177-196.

Campos, R. H. F. (2001). Helena Antipoff (1892-1974): A Synthesis of Swiss and Soviet psychology in the context of Brazilian educational system. History of Psychology, 4(2), 133-157.

Campos, R. H. F. (2012). Helena Antipoff: A quest for democracy and human rights with the help of psychological science. In W. E. Pickren, D. A. Dewsbury, & M. Wertheimer (Eds.), Portraits of pioneers in developmental psychology (pp. 51-65). New York, NY: Psychology Press.

Pestalozzi Association of Niteroi (n.d.). Helena Antipoff. Retrieved from http://www.pestalozzi.org.br/aspx/historia_helena.aspx

This was originally published in The Feminist Psychologist, newsletter of the Society for the Psychology of Women, Division 35 of the APA. Appearing with permission of the author.

Equality Week, University of Kent, November 2015

https://jacyyoung.files.wordpress.com/2015/12/curriculum-vitae_web.pdf

Uneven Change in Gender Equality

The following article was written by Pelin Gul, Associate Lecturer and Postgraduate Researcher in the School of Psychology.

Despite the widespread gender discrimination that still exists in various forms all around the globe today, there is no doubt that sweeping changes have taken place in the last half century which have helped to raise women’s position and status in society. Many forms of sexism in institutions have become illegal, women’s employment, educational attainment and political involvement have dramatically increased, and women have entered traditionally male domains as well as top-level managerial and leadership positions.

While all these revolutionary changes have taken place regarding women’s status, what has been happening regarding men? One would think that gender disparities in society could be minimized if similar changes have occurred regarding men’s entry into traditionally female domains. In fact, the change regarding men’s involvement in typically female domains (e.g., housework, childcare, nursing, teaching, etc.) has been much slower compared to women’s (see Croft, Schmader, & Block, 2015 for a review). This uneven change in the gender system has been well-documented by sociologists and economists, and various explanations for the reasons behind this uneven change have been put forward (England, 2010). A plausible argument is the financial incentive standpoint. It is not financially beneficial for men to move into typically female occupations because female-typical jobs are associated with low status and low pay rate in comparison to typically male jobs. While this can partly explain the nature of the asymmetrical change in the gender system, it tells us little about the social psychological processes that are preventing men from taking on female-typical roles.

The precariousness of manhood hypothesis offers an important social psychological perspective on this issue (Bosson & Vandello, 2011). According to this hypothesis, manhood (relative to womanhood which is obtained through biological maturation and thus cannot be lost easily) is an unstable and tenuous social status which can be lost easily and thus needs constant validation and affirmation. The fear of losing manhood and failing to be a real man makes men more sensitive about potential threats to their masculinity. Because of this, men demonstrate their manhood to others through acts that signal masculinity such as aggressive displays, toughness and risk-taking. Affirming manhood can even take the form of derogating and socially distancing oneself from effeminate/gay men (Carnagi, Maass & Fasoli, 2011). Such internalized notions of manhood can clearly pose barriers to men’s move into occupations and activities that are stereotypically feminine.

Even though the precariousness of manhood is a universal phenomenon, certain cultures can bring masculine identity concerns into sharp relief (Brown & Osterman, 2012). In cultures where manhood is intimately linked to honour (honour cultures), people are socialized with the idea that attaining traditional notions of manhood (toughness, strength, courage, capacities to protect and provide) are required in order for men to earn status in society. Men who are socialized with honour ideals may be even more resistant to moving away from masculine domains and embracing feminine roles.

In my research, I have been examining the self-presentations and preferences of men and women who are socialized to have precarious and honourable manhood beliefs. I have found that men who strongly hold honour ideals present themselves in more masculine traits and make more gender-normative activity preferences, while disavowing feminine ones. Such a strong link between gender-normativity and honour beliefs did not appear among women.

Research into the structure of masculinity, such as its precariousness and associations with honour, can help explain men’s relatively higher resistance to internalizing typically feminine traits, values and roles into their self-concepts. It can also extend our understanding of why it is harder to crack gender inequalities in certain arenas of life, and why men and women react to gender-related changes in society (e.g., feminism) in different ways.

References

Bosson, J. K., & Vandello, J. A. (2011). Precarious manhood and its links to action and aggression. Current Directions in Psychological Science, 20(2), 82-86.

Brown, R. P., & Osterman, L. L. (2012). Culture of honor, violence and homicide. In T. K. Shackelford & V. A. Weekes-Shackelford (Eds.). The Oxford handbook of evolutionary perspectives on violence, homicide, and war. Oxford University Press.

Carnaghi, A., Maass, A., & Fasoli, F. (2011). Enhancing masculinity by slandering homosexuals: The role of homophobic epithets in heterosexual gender identity. Personality and Social Psychology Bulletin, 37, 1655-1665. doi:10.1177/0146167211424167

Croft, A., Schmader, T., & Block, K. (2015). An underexamined inequality: Cultural and psychological barriers to men’s engagement with communal roles. Personality and Social Psychology Review, 1-28. doi: 10.1177/1088868314564789

England, P. (2010). The gender revolution: Uneven and stalled. Gender & Society, 24(2), 149-166.

NEW DEFINITION OF RAPE IN GERMANY

http://www.economist.com/news/europe/21688418-ultimate-victim-sexual-assaults-migrants-could-be-angela-merkels-liberal-refugee

http://www.theguardian.com/world/2016/jan/06/tensions-rise-in-germany-over-handling-of-mass-sexual-assaults-in-cologne

why do rapists rape? - sex or power?

https://emmatheemo.wordpress.com/2012/12/20/why-do-rapists-rape-for-power-or-sex-lets-ask-a-rapist/

6)2,8% used rape as punishment.

Revenge.

19)” She was wearing my clothes, and I was very angry with that. I took matters into my own hands and wanted to teach her a lesson.”

Hmm, power, perhaps?

20)” I wanted her to become my wife. I sent my friends to go and entice her (the woman) to come to my place. They brought her to my house.”

Sex with a touch of power.

17) “She let me in the house and let me kiss and caress her, but she was not for sex. This was a challenge to my manhood, and I forced her to have sex with me.”